This meant the towns had nothing to trade with the countryside. Not only was far less produced, but everything was needed for revolutionary defence — as the Red Army swelled to a force millions-strong. The peasants had supported the Bolsheviks because they wanted the land. The towns, starved of food and raw materials, struggled to recover. Economic growth, even after , was painfully slow. The wider context, of course, was the failure of the world revolution, which had surged from until , and then crashed back in a succession of defeats and finally ebbed away by the end of This played out in a succession of crises and debates inside the revolutionary regime.
The contradictions eventually destroyed it. The milestones on this road — the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the breakdown of the revolutionary coalition with the Left SRs, the establishment of the Cheka the security police , the banning of factions inside the party, the suppression of the Kronstadt revolt, the elevation of the party secretariat, and so on — are as much a part of the revolutionary process as the great events of But note a critical contrast with the experience of the French and the English Revolutions.
The Civil War, instead of radicalising the revolution, had the opposite effect. Lenin had, of course, foreseen it. Again and again he had argued that the Russian working class was one contingent in the world army of socialist revolution. Any day, if not today or tomorrow, the crash of the whole of European imperialism may come. The Russian Revolution, made by you, has begun it and opened a new epoch. Hail the world-wide socialist revolution. He returned to this theme repeatedly. To understand the Russian Revolution properly, we need to think of it as a ten-year process, just as Lefebvre conceived the French Revolution.
The executive power was in the hands of the five members directors of the Directory with a five-year mandate. The early directors did not much understand the nation they were governing; they especially had an innate inability to see Catholicism as anything else than counter-revolutionary and royalist. The Directory denounced the arbitrary executions of the Reign of Terror, but itself engaged in large scale illegal repressions, as well as large-scale massacres of civilians in the Vendee uprising.
The economy continued in bad condition, with the poor especially hurt by the high cost of food. State finances were in total disarray; the government could only cover its expenses through the plunder and the tribute of foreign countries. If peace were made, the armies would return home and the directors would have to face the exasperation of the rank-and-file who had lost their livelihood, as well as the ambition of generals who could, in a moment, brush them aside.
Barras and Rewbell were notoriously corrupt themselves and screened corruption in others. The patronage of the directors was ill-bestowed, and the general maladministration heightened their unpopularity. The directors baffled all such endeavours. On the other hand, the socialist conspiracy of Babeuf was easily quelled.
Little was done to improve the finances, and the assignats continued to fall in value until each note was worth less than the paper it was printed on; debtors easily paid off their debts. Although committed to Republicanism, the Directory distrusted democracy. It never had a strong base of popular support; when elections were held, most of its candidates were defeated.
Its achievements were minor. The election system was complex and designed to insulate the government from grass roots democracy. The parliament consisted of two houses: the Conseil des Cinq-Cents Council of the Five Hundred with representatives, and the Conseil des Anciens Council of Elders with senators. Executive power went to five "directors," named annually by the Conseil des Anciens from a list submitted by the Conseil des Cinq-Cents. The universal male suffrage of was replaced by limited suffrage based on property.
The voters had only a limited choice because the electoral rules required two-thirds of the seats go to members of the old Convention, no matter how few popular votes they received. Citizens of the war-weary nation wanted stability, peace, and an end to conditions that at times bordered on chaos. Nevertheless, those on the right who wished to restore the monarchy by putting Louis XVIII on the throne, and those on the left who would have renewed the Reign of Terror, tried but failed to overthrow the Directory.
The earlier atrocities had made confidence or goodwill between parties impossible. The army suppressed riots and counter-revolutionary activities. In this way the army and in particular Napoleon gained total power. Parliamentary elections in the spring of , for one-third of the seats in Parliament, resulted in considerable gains for the royalists,  who seemed poised to take control of the Directory in the next elections. This frightened the republican directors and they reacted, in the Coup of 18 Fructidor V 4 September , by purging all the winners banishing 57 leaders to certain death in Guiana, removing two supposedly pro-royalist directors, and closing 42 newspapers.
Not only citizens opposed and even mocked such decrees, also local government officials refused to enforce such laws. When the elections of were again carried by the opposition, the Directory used the army to imprison and exile the opposition leaders and close their newspapers. In , when the French armies abroad experienced some setbacks , the newly chosen director Sieyes considered a new overhaul necessary for the Directory's form of government because in his opinion it needed a stronger executive.
The Army at first was quite successful. It conquered Belgium and turned it into a province of France; conquered the Netherlands and made it a puppet state; and conquered Switzerland and most of Italy, setting up a series of puppet states. The result was glory for France and an infusion of much needed money from the conquered lands, which also provided direct support to the French Army. The allies scored a series of victories that rolled back French successes, retaking Italy, Switzerland and the Netherlands and ending the flow of payments from the conquered areas to France.
The treasury was empty. Despite his publicity claiming many glorious victories, Napoleon's army was trapped in Egypt after the British sank the French fleet at the Battle of the Nile. Napoleon escaped by himself, returned to Paris and overthrew the Directory in November Napoleon conquered most of Italy in the name of the French Revolution in — He consolidated old units and split up Austria's holdings.
He set up a series of new republics, complete with new codes of law and abolition of old feudal privileges. Napoleon's Cisalpine Republic was centred on Milan. Genoa the city became a republic while its hinterland became the Ligurian Republic. The Roman Republic was formed out of the papal holdings and the pope was sent to France. The Neapolitan Republic was formed around Naples, but it lasted only five months before the enemy forces of the Coalition recaptured it. In Napoleon formed the Kingdom of Italy , with himself as king and his stepson as viceroy.
All these new countries were satellites of France and had to pay large subsidies to Paris, as well as provide military support for Napoleon's wars. Their political and administrative systems were modernised, the metric system introduced, and trade barriers reduced. Jewish ghettos were abolished. Belgium and Piedmont became integral parts of France. Most of the new nations were abolished and returned to prewar owners in However, Artz emphasises the benefits the Italians gained from the French Revolution:.
For nearly two decades the Italians had the excellent codes of law, a fair system of taxation, a better economic situation, and more religious and intellectual toleration than they had known for centuries Everywhere old physical, economic, and intellectual barriers had been thrown down and the Italians had begun to be aware of a common nationality.
In the Old regime there were a small number of heavily censored newspapers that needed a royal licence to operate. Newspapers and pamphlets played a central role in stimulating and defining the Revolution. The meetings of the Estates-General in created an enormous demand for news, and over newspapers appeared by the end of the year.
The next decade saw 2, newspapers founded, with in Paris alone. Most lasted only a matter of weeks. Together they became the main communication medium, combined with the very large pamphlet literature. The press saw its lofty role to be the advancement of civic republicanism based on public service, and downplayed the liberal, individualistic goal of making a profit. Symbolism was a device to distinguish the main features of the Revolution and ensure public identification and support. In order to effectively illustrate the differences between the new Republic and the old regime, the leaders needed to implement a new set of symbols to be celebrated instead of the old religious and monarchical symbolism.
To this end, symbols were borrowed from historic cultures and redefined, while those of the old regime were either destroyed or reattributed acceptable characteristics. These revised symbols were used to instil in the public a new sense of tradition and reverence for the Enlightenment and the Republic. It acquired its nickname after being sung in Paris by volunteers from Marseille marching on the capital. The song is the first example of the "European march" anthemic style.
The anthem's evocative melody and lyrics have led to its widespread use as a song of revolution and its incorporation into many pieces of classical and popular music. Cerulo says, "the design of "La Marseillaise" is credited to General Strasburg of France, who is said to have directed de Lisle, the composer of the anthem, to 'produce one of those hymns which conveys to the soul of the people the enthusiasm which it the music suggests. Hanson notes, "The guillotine stands as the principal symbol of the Terror in the French Revolution.
It was celebrated on the left as the people's avenger and cursed as the symbol of the Reign of Terror by the right. Vendors sold programmes listing the names of those scheduled to die. Many people came day after day and vied for the best locations from which to observe the proceedings; knitting women tricoteuses formed a cadre of hardcore regulars, inciting the crowd.
Parents often brought their children. By the end of the Terror, the crowds had thinned drastically. Repetition had staled even this most grisly of entertainments, and audiences grew bored. Cockades were widely worn by revolutionaries beginning in The tricolour flag is derived from the cockades used in the s. These were circular rosette-like emblems attached to the hat. Camille Desmoulins asked his followers to wear green cockades on 12 July The Paris militia, formed on 13 July, adopted a blue and red cockade.
Blue and red are the traditional colours of Paris, and they are used on the city's coat of arms. Cockades with various colour schemes were used during the storming of the Bastille on 14 July. Lafayette argued for the addition of a white stripe to "nationalise" the design. Well after the revolution, by the French Third Republic had authorised the form of the tricolore cockade for use on its military aircraft by the Aeronautique Militaire as a national insignia ,  the first-ever in use worldwide — it is still in use by the current Armee de l'Air of France, and directly inspired the use of similar roundel insignia by the United Kingdom and many other nations worldwide.
Fasces are Roman in origin and suggest Roman Republicanism. Fasces are a bundle of birch rods containing an axe. The French Republic continued this Roman symbol to represent state power, justice, and unity. The Liberty cap, also known as the Phrygian cap , or pileus , is a brimless, felt cap that is conical in shape with the tip pulled forward.
It reflects Roman republicanism and liberty, alluding to the Roman ritual of manumission of slaves, in which a freed slave receives the bonnet as a symbol of his newfound liberty. Historians since the late 20th century have debated how women shared in the French Revolution and what long-term impact it had on French women. Women had no political rights in pre-Revolutionary France; they were considered "passive" citizens; forced to rely on men to determine what was best for them.
That changed dramatically in theory as there seemingly were great advances in feminism. Feminism emerged in Paris as part of a broad demand for social and political reform. The women demanded equality for women and then moved on to a demand for the end of male domination. Their chief vehicle for agitation were pamphlets and women's clubs; for example, a small group called the Cercle Social Social Circle campaigned for women's rights, noting that "the laws favor men at the expense of women, because everywhere power is in your hands.
The movement was crushed. Devance explains the decision in terms of the emphasis on masculinity in a wartime situation, Marie Antoinette's bad reputation for feminine interference in state affairs, and traditional male supremacy. When the Revolution opened, groups of women acted forcefully, making use of the volatile political climate. Women forced their way into the political sphere. They swore oaths of loyalty, "solemn declarations of patriotic allegiance, [and] affirmations of the political responsibilities of citizenship. The March to Versailles is but one example of feminist militant activism during the French Revolution.
On 20 June a number of armed women took part in a procession that "passed through the halls of the Legislative Assembly, into the Tuileries Gardens, and then through the King's residence. As part of the funeral procession, they carried the bathtub in which Marat had been murdered by a counter-revolutionary woman as well as a shirt stained with Marat's blood. The Society of Revolutionary Republican Women, a militant group on the far left, demanded a law in that would compel all women to wear the tricolour cockade to demonstrate their loyalty to the Republic.
They also demanded vigorous price controls to keep bread — the major food of the poor people — from becoming too expensive. After the Convention passage law in September , the Revolutionary Republican Women demanded vigorous enforcement, but were counted by market women, former servants, and religious women who adamantly opposed price controls which would drive them out of business and resented attacks on the aristocracy and on religion. Fist fights broke out in the streets between the two factions of women. Meanwhile, the men who controlled the Jacobins rejected the Revolutionary Republican Women as dangerous rabble-rousers.
At this point the Jacobins controlled the government; they dissolved the Society of Revolutionary Republican Women, and decreed that all women's clubs and associations were illegal. They sternly reminded women to stay home and tend to their families by leaving public affairs to the men.
Organised women were permanently shut out of the French Revolution after 30 October Olympe de Gouges wrote a number of plays, short stories, and novels. Her publications emphasised that women and men are different, but this shouldn't stop them from equality under the law. In her "Declaration on the Rights of Woman" she insisted that women deserved rights, especially in areas concerning them directly, such as divorce and recognition of illegitimate children. Madame Roland a. Manon or Marie Roland was another important female activist.
Her political focus was not specifically on women or their liberation. She focused on other aspects of the government, but was a feminist by virtue of the fact that she was a woman working to influence the world. Her personal letters to leaders of the Revolution influenced policy; in addition, she often hosted political gatherings of the Brissotins, a political group which allowed women to join.
As she was led to the scaffold, Madame Roland shouted "O liberty! What crimes are committed in thy name! Most of these activists were punished for their actions. Many of the women of the Revolution were even publicly executed for "conspiring against the unity and the indivisibility of the Republic". A major aspect of the French Revolution was the dechristianisation movement, a movement strongly rejected by many devout people.
Especially for women living in rural areas of France, the closing of the churches meant a loss of normalcy. When these revolutionary changes to the Church were implemented, it sparked a counter-revolutionary movement among women.
The French Revolution: 1770-1814
Although some of these women embraced the political and social amendments of the Revolution, they opposed the dissolution of the Catholic Church and the formation of revolutionary cults like the Cult of the Supreme Being. Counter-revolutionary women resisted what they saw as the intrusion of the state into their lives. By far the most important issue to counter-revolutionary women was the passage and the enforcement of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy in In response to this measure, women in many areas began circulating anti-oath pamphlets and refused to attend masses held by priests who had sworn oaths of loyalty to the Republic.
These women continued to adhere to traditional practices such as Christian burials and naming their children after saints in spite of revolutionary decrees to the contrary. The French Revolution abolished many of the constraints on the economy that had slowed growth during the ancien regime. It abolished tithes owed to local churches as well as feudal dues owed to local landlords. The result hurt the tenants, who paid both higher rents and higher taxes.
It planned to use these seized lands to finance the government by issuing assignats. It abolished the guild system as a worthless remnant of feudalism.
Living the French Revolution and the Age of Napoleon
The government seized the foundations that had been set up starting in the 13th century to provide an annual stream of revenue for hospitals, poor relief, and education. The state sold the lands but typically local authorities did not replace the funding and so most of the nation's charitable and school systems were massively disrupted. The economy did poorly in —96 as industrial and agricultural output dropped, foreign trade plunged, and prices soared. The government decided not to repudiate the old debts. Instead it issued more and more paper money called "assignat" that supposedly were grounded seized lands.
The result was escalating inflation. The government imposed price controls and persecuted speculators and traders in the black market. The assignats were withdrawn in but the replacements also fuelled inflation. The inflation was finally ended by Napoleon in with the franc as the new currency. Napoleon after paid for his expensive wars by multiple means, starting with the modernisation of the rickety financial system.
The French Revolution had a major impact on Europe and the New World , decisively changing the course of human history. Otto Dann and John Dinwiddy report, "It has long been almost a truism of European history that the French Revolution gave a great stimulus to the growth of modern nationalism. Hayes as a major result of the French Revolution across Europe. The impact on French nationalism was profound. For example, Napoleon became such a heroic symbol of the nation that the glory was easily picked up by his nephew, who was overwhelmingly elected president and later became Emperor Napoleon III.
The changes in France were enormous; some were widely accepted and others were bitterly contested into the late 20th century. The kings had so thoroughly centralised the system that most nobles spent their time at Versailles, and thus played only a small direct role in their home districts. Thompson says that the kings had "ruled by virtue of their personal wealth, their patronage of the nobility, their disposal of ecclesiastical offices, their provincial governors intendants their control over the judges and magistrates, and their command of the Army.
After the first year of revolution, the power of the king had been stripped away, he was left a mere figurehead, the nobility had lost all their titles and most of their land, the Church lost its monasteries and farmlands, bishops, judges and magistrates were elected by the people, and the army was almost helpless, with military power in the hands of the new revolutionary National Guard.
The central elements of were the slogan "Liberty, Equality and Fraternity" and " The Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen ", which Lefebvre calls "the incarnation of the Revolution as a whole. The long-term impact on France was profound, shaping politics, society, religion and ideas, and polarising politics for more than a century.
The French Revolution differed from other revolutions in being not merely national, for it aimed at benefiting all humanity. The most heated controversy was over the status of the Catholic Church. The movement to dechristianise France not only failed but aroused a furious reaction among the pious. Priests and bishops were given salaries as part of a department of government controlled by Paris, not Rome.
Protestants and Jews gained equal rights. They raged into the 20th century. By the 21st century, angry debates exploded over the presence of any Muslim religious symbols in schools, such as the headscarves for which Muslim girls could be expelled. Christopher Soper and Joel S. Fetzer explicitly link the conflict over religious symbols in public to the French Revolution, when the target was Catholic rituals and symbols. The revolutionary government seized the charitable foundations that had been set up starting in the 13th century to provide an annual stream of revenue for hospitals, poor relief, and education.
In the ancien regime, new opportunities for nuns as charitable practitioners were created by devout nobles on their own estates. The nuns provided comprehensive care for the sick poor on their patrons' estates, not only acting as nurses, but taking on expanded roles as physicians, surgeons, and apothecaries. During the Revolution, most of the orders of nuns were shut down and there was no organised nursing care to replace them. They were tolerated by officials because they had widespread support and were the link between elite male physicians and distrustful peasants who needed help.
Two thirds of France was employed in agriculture, which was transformed by the Revolution. With the breakup of large estates controlled by the Church and the nobility and worked by hired hands, rural France became more a land of small independent farms. Harvest taxes were ended, such as the tithe and seigneurial dues, much to the relief of the peasants. Primogeniture was ended both for nobles and peasants, thereby weakening the family patriarch.
Because all the children had a share in the family's property, there was a declining birth rate. In the cities, entrepreneurship on a small scale flourished, as restrictive monopolies, privileges, barriers, rules, taxes and guilds gave way. However, the British blockade virtually ended overseas and colonial trade, hurting the port cities and their supply chains. Overall, the Revolution did not greatly change the French business system, and probably helped freeze in place the horizons of the small business owner. The typical businessman owned a small store, mill or shop, with family help and a few paid employees; large-scale industry was less common than in other industrialising nations.
A National Bureau of Economic Research paper found that the emigration of more than , individuals predominantly supporters of the Old Regime during the Revolution had a significant negative impact on income per capita in the 19th century due to the fragmentation of agricultural holdings but became positive in the second half of the 20th century onward because it facilitated the rise in human capital investments.
The Revolution meant an end to arbitrary royal rule and held out the promise of rule by law under a constitutional order, but it did not rule out a monarch. Napoleon as emperor set up a constitutional system although he remained in full control , and the restored Bourbons were forced to go along with one.
After the abdication of Napoleon III in , the monarchists probably had a voting majority, but they were so factionalised they could not agree on who should be king, and instead the French Third Republic was launched with a deep commitment to upholding the ideals of the Revolution. Vichy denied the principle of equality and tried to replace the Revolutionary watchwords "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" with "Work, Family, and Fatherland. France permanently became a society of equals under the law. The Jacobin cause was picked up by Marxists in the midth century and became an element of communist thought around the world.
In the Soviet Union , "Gracchus" Babeuf was regarded as a hero. Robinson the French Revolution had long-term effects in Europe. They suggest that "areas that were occupied by the French and that underwent radical institutional reform experienced more rapid urbanization and economic growth, especially after There is no evidence of a negative effect of French invasion.
A study in the European Economic Review found that the areas of Germany that were occupied by France in the 19th century and in which the Code Napoleon was applied have higher levels of trust and cooperation today. From this moment we may consider France as a free country, the King a very limited monarch, and the nobility as reduced to a level with the rest of the nation. Britain led and funded the series of coalitions that fought France from to , and then restored the Bourbons.
Philosophically and politically, Britain was in debate over the rights and wrongs of revolution, in the abstract and in practicalities. The Revolution Controversy was a " pamphlet war " set off by the publication of A Discourse on the Love of Our Country , a speech given by Richard Price to the Revolution Society on 4 November , supporting the French Revolution as he had the American Revolution , and saying that patriotism actually centers around loving the people and principles of a nation, not its ruling class.
Edmund Burke responded in November with his own pamphlet, Reflections on the Revolution in France , attacking the French Revolution as a threat to the aristocracy of all countries. Conversely, two seminal political pieces of political history were written in Price's favor, supporting the general right of the French people to replace their State. One of the first of these " pamphlets " into print was A Vindication of the Rights of Men by Mary Wollstonecraft better known for her later treatise, sometimes described as the first feminist text, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman ; Wollstonecraft's title was echoed by Thomas Paine 's Rights of Man , published a few months later.
In Christopher Wyvill published Defence of Dr. Price and the Reformers of England , a plea for reform and moderation. This exchange of ideas has been described as "one of the great political debates in British history". In Ireland, the effect was to transform what had been an attempt by Protestant settlers to gain some autonomy into a mass movement led by the Society of United Irishmen involving Catholics and Protestants. It stimulated the demand for further reform throughout Ireland, especially in Ulster.
The upshot was a revolt in , led by Wolfe Tone , that was crushed by Britain. German reaction to the Revolution swung from favourable to antagonistic. At first it brought liberal and democratic ideas, the end of gilds, serfdom and the Jewish ghetto. It brought economic freedoms and agrarian and legal reform. Above all the antagonism helped stimulate and shape German nationalism. The French invaded Switzerland and turned it into an ally known as the " Helvetic Republic " — The interference with localism and traditional liberties was deeply resented, although some modernising reforms took place.
Both territories experienced revolutions in Both failed to attract international support. During the Revolutionary Wars, the French invaded and occupied the region between and , a time known as the French period. The new government enforced new reforms, incorporating the region into France itself. New rulers were sent in by Paris. Belgian men were drafted into the French wars and heavily taxed. Nearly everyone was Catholic, but the Church was repressed. Resistance was strong in every sector, as Belgian nationalism emerged to oppose French rule.
The French legal system, however, was adopted, with its equal legal rights, and abolition of class distinctions. Belgium now had a government bureaucracy selected by merit. Antwerp regained access to the sea and grew quickly as a major port and business centre. France promoted commerce and capitalism, paving the way for the ascent of the bourgeoisie and the rapid growth of manufacturing and mining. In economics, therefore, the nobility declined while the middle class Belgian entrepreneurs flourished because of their inclusion in a large market, paving the way for Belgium's leadership role after in the Industrial Revolution on the Continent.
The Kingdom of Denmark adopted liberalising reforms in line with those of the French Revolution, with no direct contact. Reform was gradual and the regime itself carried out agrarian reforms that had the effect of weakening absolutism by creating a class of independent peasant freeholders. Much of the initiative came from well-organised liberals who directed political change in the first half of the 19th century. The Revolution deeply polarised American politics, and this polarisation led to the creation of the First Party System. In , as war broke out in Europe, the Republican Party led by Thomas Jefferson favoured France and pointed to the treaty that was still in effect.
George Washington and his unanimous cabinet, including Jefferson, decided that the treaty did not bind the United States to enter the war. Washington proclaimed neutrality instead. Jefferson became president in , but was hostile to Napoleon as a dictator and emperor. However, the two entered negotiations over the Louisiana Territory and agreed to the Louisiana Purchase in , an acquisition that substantially increased the size of the United States.
The French Revolution has received enormous amounts of historical attention, both from the general public and from scholars and academics. The views of historians, in particular, have been characterised as falling along ideological lines, with disagreement over the significance and the major developments of the Revolution. Historians until the late 20th century emphasised class conflicts from a largely Marxist perspective as the fundamental driving cause of the Revolution.
By the year many historians were saying that the field of the French Revolution was in intellectual disarray. The old model or paradigm focusing on class conflict has been discredited, and no new explanatory model had gained widespread support. Historians widely regard the Revolution as one of the most important events in history. It marks the end of the early modern period , which started around and is often seen as marking the "dawn of the modern era ". After the collapse of the First Empire in , the French public lost the rights and privileges earned since the Revolution, but they remembered the participatory politics that characterised the period, with one historian commenting: "Thousands of men and even many women gained firsthand experience in the political arena: they talked, read, and listened in new ways; they voted; they joined new organisations; and they marched for their political goals.
Revolution became a tradition, and republicanism an enduring option. Some historians argue that the French people underwent a fundamental transformation in self-identity, evidenced by the elimination of privileges and their replacement by rights as well as the growing decline in social deference that highlighted the principle of equality throughout the Revolution. This, combined with the egalitarian values introduced by the revolution, gave rise to a classless and co-operative model for society called " socialism " which profoundly influenced future revolutions in France and around the world.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see French Revolution disambiguation. Revolution in France, to The Storming of the Bastille , 14 July Part of a series on the.
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Main article: List of political groups in the French Revolution. Making Democracy in the French Revolution p. This was the truly original contribution of the Revolution to modern political culture. Frey and Marsha L. Frey, The French Revolution , Foreword. Sister Revolutions. New York: Faber and Faber. A History of the Modern World , pp. A History of the Modern World , p. Aulard in Arthur Tilley, ed. Cambridge UP. New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. The French Revolution in Global Perspective , pp. Citizenship and social class. Cambridge, World Politics Citizens without Sovereignty: Equality and sociability in French thought , — Princeton: Princeton University Press, Addison-Wesley, The Journal of Modern History : — Jordan Louis XVI.
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Aristocracy and its Enemies in the Age of Revolution. Oxford UP. Glasnost archiv. Retrieved 22 January In Chisholm, Hugh ed. Cambridge University Press. Chapter 5 pp. Napoleon: The Path to Power — Yale University Press. A Companion to the French Revolution. Emerson Kent. Retrieved 8 February Chapter 6 pp. A History of Modern Britain: to the Present.
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Gottschalk, The Era of the French Revolution — p. Retrieved 21 April Retrieved 19 April Retrieved 6 March Kingston University. Archived from the original PDF on 17 January A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution , p. Chapter 9 pp. Penguin, CUP, University of California Press, Facts on File Publications, Penguin,  Revolution in the Netherlands — New York: Vintage Books, Blom and E. HB uitgevers, Baarn,  Mayr, Brown Napoleon and the Transformation of Europe. Macmillan International Higher Education. Artz, Reaction and Revolution: — pp. Popkin, "The Press and the French revolution after two hundred years.
Sociological Forum. Hanson The A to Z of the French Revolution. Scarecrow Press. Martin, Barbara H. Rosenwein, and Bonnie G. Paris, —," Eighteenth-Century Studies , , p. BCP Publishing, Cooper and John McCardell. The French Revolution and Human Rights. Boston: Bedford. Rabine p. Hufton pp.
McMillan, France and women, — gender, society and politics Routledge, p. Women in Revolutionary Paris, — pp. Crouzet, "The role of assignats during the French Revolution: An evil or a rescuer? Palgrave Macmillan. Global Ramifications of the French Revolution. Nationalism in the Age of the French Revolution. SUNY Press. Thompson, Robespierre and the French Revolution p. The Coming of the French Revolution.
Princeton UP. Sinno Muslims in Western Politics. Indiana UP. Jones The Peasantry in the French Revolution. Retrieved 2 December Rochester, NY. Alexander, ed. Contesting the French Revolution. Cambridge Core. June Retrieved 27 February American Economic Review. European Economic Review. Retrieved 16 June University of Missouri Press.
Retrieved 17 June In Cottret, Bernard; Henneton, Lauric eds. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes. Anglo-Irish Relations: Hamerow The Low Countries: — Oxford: Clarendon Press. Cook, Belgium pp. Scandinavian Journal of History. Comninel American Historical Review. Critical Review. Censer, Jack; Lynn Hunt Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press. Cole, Alistair; Peter Campbell French electoral systems and elections since Palmer, R. A History of the Modern World. Doyle, William The Oxford history of the French Revolution 3rd ed.
Oxford: Oxford University Press. The French Revolution: A very short introduction. The Oxford history of the French Revolution 2nd ed.